The Legacy Of Spanish Revolution

On the surface it would appear that the historians are correct in using this analysis. Two opposing factions from the same country did fight a war – the amalgamation of leftwing and anarchist groups against the fascists and their authoritarian supporters.
One of the reasons that made Spain different was how people operated and organised on the left.
Not only were these people fighting against fascism they were fighting for a better life based along ideological principles.
Anti-fascism and social change were one and the same. In areas such as Barcelona which was a CNT/FAI strong hold, political and social organisation was based around anarcho/communist principles. This was best described by George Orwell in ‘Homage to Catalonia’: “It was the first time that I had ever been in a townwhere the working class was in the saddle. Practically every building of any size had been seized by the workers and was draped with red flags or with the red and black flag of the Anarchists; every wall was scrawled with the hammer and sickle and with the initials of the revolutionary parties; almost every church had been gutted and its images burnt.
Churches here and there were being systematically demolished by gangs of workmen. Every shop and cafe had an inscription saying that it had been collectivized; even the bootblacks had been collectivized and their boxes painted red and black.
Waiters and shop-walkers looked you in the face and treated you as an equal. Servile and even ceremonial forms of speech had temporarily disappeared.”
The hand of tyranny had been lifted which allowed the Spanish people to organise for the benefit of the many as
opposed to the few. Having seen and experienced how life could be, why should the Spanish people tolerate anything less? The way in which the Catalonians organised was obviously in complete contrast to Franco’s fascism and therefore it had to be defeated at all costs.
The battle against fascism in Spain was closely watched by many throughout the world. The rise of fascism in
Italy and Germany at this time was worrying and many considered Spain to be another part in the ascendancy of reactionary forces across Europe. The events in Spain were also seen as a testing ground (in more ways than one) and perhaps a prelude to a greater conflict. With hindsight we can see that’s exactly what Spain was but at the time many governments chose to either ignore what was going on. Worse still were those governments that blocked or discouraged support for the Spanish Republicans. As a few examples, one could note the Anglo-French arms embargo (which meant that the only foreign source of weapons was to come from the USSR, while the fascists were supplied by Italy, Germany and received logistical support from Portugal). England had stated its position as ‘neutral’ – a position that obviously benefited the fascists.
Especially since members of the British establishment like Sir Henry Chilton worked individually to help the Francoist forces (of note here is the brief mention that Orwell makes, when MP’s in the House of Commons cheered at the news of a Republican supply ship being sunk off the Spanish coast).
This is in stark contrast to the lengths supporters of the Spanish Republic had to go to in helping their comrades.
Again, for example, English authorities tried their best to arrest and imprison those international volunteers who attempted to travel to Spain. An important mention must also be made of America’s official stance. The USA had declared itself neutral and was supposedly little concerned with what it deemed “an internal matter in a European country.” Despite this, the Nationalists received huge support from some elements of American business. The American-owned Vacuum Oil Company, for example, refused to sell to Republican ships and the Texas Oil Company supplied gasoline on credit to Franco right up until the war’s end.
What really distinguishes the Spanish Revolution from a lot of other conflicts was the fact that ordinary people
from all around the world could see exactly what was happening in Spain at the time. If their government was not prepared to step in then they would. For many, the realisation that their personal beliefs were in contrast to that of their own government polarized their view. It was International solidarity between peoples from all nations based upon the belief that a better world could be created. They were prepared to fight and die on a foreign soil for an ideology and a belief that they held dear. People were prepared to give up everything and travel thousands of miles in order to stop fascism and help realise a better world.
The International Brigades were not made up of conscripts or professional soldiers. Some were radicalised
through their own personal experience of oppression and tyranny – they simply believed in standing up for the underdog and against injustice. Whilst many held left-wing views and were card carrying Communist Party members or Trade Unionists. What they all believed was that they were doing the right thing.
The reality of fighting a war dispelled any romantic notions very quickly. According to Ted Smallbone, a veteran
who fought on the Ebro front: “It wasn’t exactly a picnic. I don’t think 99% of us, Americans, Canadians and British, had ever seen a rifle before never mind handled one. At the training camp we were told it had proved too costly to send men straight to the front. We were to have six weeks training. Those six weeks lasted 36 hours! We thought we were going to play a football match. Instead we were taken by lorries to the front…and we were in action.”
Despite Hitler’s defeat and Franco’s later demise, European fascism still has its supporters. In recent years,
places like Austria, France, England and Italy have seen something of a resurgence (The British National Party now
hold 49 council seats. This is the most they, or any other fascist party, have ever held in Britain). However, in these cases we must also cast aside the stereotypical image of jackboots and swastikas. Being aware of the sensitivity around such images, the new fascist parties have opted for the suit and tie approach. Like so many politicians, what they ultimately crave is power and in order to gain power they will offer themselves in a palatable form for the voters. On many occasions they have intentionally avoided mentioning the issue of race (unless of course the local popular sentiment finds itself in tandem with their guarded views on the matter, i.e. asylum seekers, immigration etc). Instead their literature and press releases tend to focus upon issues like local services, education, health, housing etc. All pressing areas of concern particularly in Impoverished inner cities, and a way of introducing their fascist agenda ‘through the back door’.

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